One of the
biggest long-term concerns in international politics is the rise of China. So
far, we’ve explored questions of war through two different sets of lenses
(system, state). Where do you come out on the relative utility of these lenses
when it comes to organizing our thinking about China’s rise?
What factors should we be paying attention to?
What are the conditions in
which China’s rise might lead to conflict?
What are the conditions under
which we’ll see ongoing cooperation?
What conditions might affect the likelihood of
war?
In the end are you optimistic
or pessimistic about these developments?
The
rising economic status of China has raised eyebrows, especially in
international politics, due to its continued advancements which have threatened
the countries formerly considered to be the superpowers. Despite being held
together in an economically and financially mutual relationship, the two
countries' future remains gloomy because of the possibility of future war that
will lead to parting ways between the countries. The status quo of the US being
a superpower would be the most triggering factor for the rise of the war
because of the wish not to be challenged by a 'mere' China, which according to
the US, is a rising power. Before World War 1, the countries involved enjoyed
good relations. This, however, did not stop the onset of the war, which caused
cataclysmic effects (Hinck et al., 2019). Thus, it is very evident that despite
the good relations enjoyed by USA and China, there is a high chance that the
two countries will collide in the future, leading to another disastrous war.
The
systems and state lenses have been used imperatively to view the rise of China
to its top status as a powerful nation. The invulnerable confidence of the
Americans in being invincible made them perceive warfare through a state lens
that no other Nation was capable of conquering them. Because of the conviction
in the invincible position, the US gave up its industrial capacity to allow
other countries, especially China, to flourish similarly. This idea enabled
China to enlist in the world community and expand its prosperity through the
Chinese Communist Party (Hinck et al., 2019). China took advantage of the
situation to expand its dominance technically in artificial intelligence,
infrastructure, and industrial capacity. These changes aided China in
consolidating its position, perfecting its methods of mind control over its
populace, and beginning the deliberate destruction of the United States. Since
then, China has imposed a balance of power that marginalizes the United States
and other nations unless they support its goals. These initiatives have built
China as a nation by making sure that China's voice is heard on international
stages, most notably by the UN
.
The
Power Transition Theory (PTT) argument in replacement of the concept of
satisfaction and China's commitment to change are among the factors that castigate
the China war. China’s prowess at war depends on the transition of power
between the dominant state which currently is the US and itself being a
challenger of the superpower status of the US. According to PTT, the dominant
power is considered to make decisions that overrule all the other players,
making it more powerful than the rest (Hinck et al., 2019).
The occurrence of war is thus dependent on whether or not the challenger is
satisfied by the actions of the dominant power. Therefore, when China fails to
comply with the terms put in place by the US, it may be forced to challenge it
by fighting back with the hopes of overturning the dominant player. The power
transition theorists believe that this tussle of superiority between the supper
power and the challenger creates the required minimum grounds for the
occurrence of war.
The
substantial advancement in Chinese military powers also forms a basic factor
for China’s war. With the multimillion investment in the industrial base and
being technologically dominant in the artificial intelligence sector, China has
gained the confidence to retaliate against any superpower that resists or
interferes with them. The US is a superpower that is well-equipped and would
adversely challenge any attempt by any country to change the status quo. This
will involve using military force by both parties who want to prove the other
wrong. Again, PTT theorists argue that in order for a country to stage against
a superpower, the country is obliged to involve itself with ordinary machinery.
This is to say, therefore, that the growth of China’s military strength signifies
an intention to overturn the superpowers.
Conditions
Under Which China’s Rise May Lead to War
According
to offensive realism theory, the causes of war may not necessarily be because
of security purposes. Some wars may be for non-structural factors, which
include nationalism and political calculations of given state power (Alenezi et al, 2020).
One of the conditions under which China’s rise will lead to war is the
occasion that there will be no agreement between the supposed superpowers and
China. This may escalate further if China fails to tame its thirst for power considering
its recent technological and economic adjustments. The possible consequences of
China's ascent are very clear when materially considered. The more wealthy and
affluent China develops, the more possible it is that it will intimidate its
neighbors, inciting other East Asian nations to join forces with the US to wage
war on China.
Consequently,
the Offence Defense theory argues that war is more likely to occur when it is
perceived as easy by either political divide. China may perceive a war with the
US as ‘easy’ because of the wide range of machinery and weapons they possess (Alenezi
et al, 2020). This may convince them to consider starting a war with their
rivals who would retaliate to defend their status quo of being a superpower.
Moreover, a possible formation of alliances especially between the US and East
Asian countries may cause a great threat to China which is already claiming
superiority and would therefore wish to retaliate and prove its prowess in
wars.
Conditions
Under Which there will be Ongoing Cooperation and Conditions that may Affect
the Likelihood of War
Unlike
before World War I, when the parties had buried their good deep relations,
China and the US have enjoyed a large spectrum of mutually beneficial relationships.
This is evident in the fact that many nations have come to terms with the
continuous rise of China. Countries such as Vietnam and South Korea may have
lined up with the US against China, but as things are, they have found it
accommodating. Otherwise, China’s growth should have triggered the war with the
East Asian states.
Furthermore,
because China is gradually taking the lead in the zone, its anticipated rise to
become the dominant power in Asian Countries has been backed with enhanced
stability, contrary to the anticipation by pessimists (Weiss, 2019). East Asian
nations who genuinely trust China's claims and hence do not fear its growth and
instead desire to benefit from it have welcomed China's decision to tell its
neighbors about its capabilities and intents. The security conundrum is
resolved by this mutual awareness of China's inclinations and constrained
objectives.
Taking
a look into the Asian region, Japan is the only country with the potential to
challenge China's dominance in the region. It has however not acted in a manner
likely to suggest that it intends to challenge China either currently or in the
future. This is owed to the good relations between the two countries. Despite
the unresolved traditional rivalry and territorial disputes between the two
countries, it is noteworthy that the nations’ economic connections have been
rapidly growing. The current relationship between the two countries thereby may
negatively affect the likelihood of war.
Optimistic
or Pessimistic?
The
rise of China has poked several contradictions as to whether or not there will
be a good ending. There are intense tensions between China and US which serves
as the dominant superpower. China is, of course, causing a massive threat to
the US because of its massive economic stability compared to the Soviet Union
times (Degterev et al., 2021). On the better end, China, in one way or another
other, has a mutually beneficial relationship with countries poised to be its
greatest rival in the anticipated war. States in East Asia agree with China
that despite gaining power, it has become more circumspect in communicating its
goals to other Asian nations. China's power has grown over the past few
decades, but during that time it has also moderated its rhetoric, resolved several
territorial disputes with its rivals, and engaged several international and
local organizations. Engagements with international organizations which have
played a vital role in peaceful co-existence between countries have established
China as a democratic country that will barely cause a reason for war.
China
is already considered a superpower because it possesses all the necessary
military equipment and has reached the same economic level as superpower
countries. These actions by China do not suggest a future misunderstanding that
may cause conflicts. It has conducted itself
maturely, which has created a good reputation with its neighboring states
(Hinck et al., 2018). It is therefore important to note that despite the fears
associated with China’s rise, there are possible more positive outcomes than
the harm that may arise from China’s rise to superiority.
Even
if tangible factors are important in evaluating whether China's rise to glory
will be unstable, it is important to draw attention to undervalued elements
like knowledge and judgments of inclinations. Focusing on how China interacts
with its counterparts shows that East Asia will accept China's rise rather than
fight it.
References
Degterev, D. A.,
Ramich, M. S., & Tsvyk, A. V. (2021). US-China:“Power Transition” and the
Outlines of “Conflict Bipolarity”. Vestnik RUDN. International
Relations, 21(2), 210-231. https://doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2021-21-2-210-231
Hinck, R., Manly, J.,
Kluver, R., & Norris, W. (2018). Geopolitical Dimensions of" The China
Dream": Exploring Strategic Narratives of the Chinese Communist
Party. China Media Research, 14(3). https://d1wqtxts1xzle7.cloudfront.net/58354483/China_Dream-with-cover-page-v2.pdf?Expires=1666243137&Signature=XbxevyrmRfaiXF9g-NX9YfYbso-2XNN6RyDe1WU6I5J5YTRCxkHLGidnyZFNnsht4RjA79Ne0Jj-LQ0b2tGnfDLRctnM3lwnkJmCraEqKUMtybuAxBnaKZT7JNWGUt1mFn1ldrW~eOIGuV4dD0o8eNGHVcI6haJQ150P0fveME04bVU34dVzdaQEsKHnYmeU~3n5Wn9zXJXoUyIZS-O2GMFxRpuBStpmzQBddA8ZGKkoARHvY6kcTYh-Em-m-ks1CyaDtEKICAWovsmvWpk39OZSVeR9LPzWGyTTq0EGQ~kpWKo8S97oDh3F7OJVaA67i0HKMDBtANktqrLjkMJLoA__&Key-Pair-Id=APKAJLOHF5GGSLRBV4ZA
Weiss, J. C. (2019). A
world safe for autocracy: China's rise and the future of global politics. Foreign
Aff., 98, 92. http://www.jessicachenweiss.com/uploads/3/0/6/3/30636001/weiss_2019_fa_a_world_safe_for_autocracy.pdf
Alenezi, D. A. (2020).
US rebalance strategy to Asia and US-China rivalry in South China Sea from the
perspective of the offensive realism. Review of Economics and Political
Science. https://www.emerald.com/insight/content/doi/10.1108/REPS-10-2019-0132/full/html